The Stoic Resilience of India’s Street Hawkers

INTRODUCTION

In urban areas, women labouring in the informal sector face various challenges resulting from the precariousness of their existence. This article aims to highlight some of their issues by using three examples. These examples comprise of an older woman who operates a makeshift dhaba, a young woman who sets up a stall for her ironing business in a parking lot, and a single mother who runs a thela in a local market. Despite working tirelessly to keep their businesses afloat, as the article will show, these women confront various challenges on the streets. This article explores some dimensions of gendered precarity in urban areas, particularly the one that affects women working in the informal sector. It also explores the issues of gender, marginality, struggle, encroachment, criminality, policies, and the influence of social organisations on women street hawkers in Delhi. It will use the abovementioned examples as they offer diverse informal work assignments. Examining their struggle brings a deeper understanding of their issues and explores potential solutions to support them.

A study by the National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) in 2007 revealed that “nine out of ten people with no education are likely to be in severe poverty, and almost eighty-eight per cent of them are in the informal labour market” (Basu & Thomas, 2009). Later, the National Sample Survey of India (NSSO) calculated that eighty-two per cent of the Indian population is engaged in the informal sector. The National Commission for Women depicted that ninety-four per cent of India’s working women are involved in the informal sector (Chakraborty, 2018).

The informal sector plays a significant role in India’s urban economy, with street vendors making up a notable portion of this workforce. Among them are women who operate in precarious conditions, struggling to sustain their businesses while contending with various adversities.

The informal sector plays a significant role in India’s urban economy, with street vendors making up a notable portion of this workforce. Among them are women who operate in precarious conditions, struggling to sustain their businesses while contending with various adversities. For example, an older woman has run a dhaba named “Bangali Hotel” in Jamia Nagar for the past four decades, catering to the nutritional needs of marginal workers. Her business is often financially unstable despite her long-standing service, with daily earnings ranging from Rs. 300-400 and occasionally nothing. Women working in the informal sector typically earn less than their male counterparts and formal workers in urban areas (Das, 2012). Another woman, a young entrepreneur running an ironing business, faces a distinct set of challenges. Her spouse is a recovering substance abuser, and she is the sole provider for her family. Her options are limited, and she is compelled to operate her business in a parking lot, a common practice among low-income earners. A single mother also runs a thela in the local market and borrowed money during the pandemic, now mired in debt alongside other street vendors facing the threat of eviction and harassment. For many women in India’s urban areas, street vending is a means to an end, offering low-cost entry into the market, particularly for those in poorer communities (Chen et al., 2014). Such livelihoods, however, are characterised by a lack of health, safety, financial, and social security, rendering them fragile and vulnerable to disruption. The precarity of their circumstances reflects the broader reality many faces in India’s informal sector, which remains under-supported and marginalised despite its significance to the economy.

Despite the many challenges women face in the informal sector, there are ways to support them. This essay will use an inductive approach to examine the issues of gender, marginality and struggle, encroachment and criminality, and the policies and influence of social organisations on women street hawkers. By doing so, we can better understand these women’s obstacles and explore potential solutions to support them.

 GENDER AND INFORMAL WORK

Informal work characterises excessive heterogeneity and highly gendered division of labour. Class, gender and the interaction of class and gender (Kalpagam, 1986) greatly influence informal work. Specific to India, caste plays a significant role in determining who would create self-employment in an urban area. The lower caste becoming the urban poor is highly likely. The status of migrants or any unemployed person with basic to no education can find themselves working in the informal sector. The economic struggles amplify, and living standards decline (Das, 2012) for the informal sector workers and even more for women. Women engage in work offering the lowest return and least growth potential (Kalpagam, 1986), putting them at the bottom. They are subjected to limited mobility induced by their ascribed culture, caste, or religion. Their class and age also affect the kinds of work they engage in (Kantor, 2002). Women street vendors mainly sell their products and goods on the street and pavement, unlike their male counterparts, that often use pushcarts.

The internalised patriarchy (Kalpagam, 1986) often witnesses the lack of visibility of women’s labour. Women try to perceive their status as workers or non-workers (Bromley & Wilson, 2018) amidst the engrained patriarchal society that the man should earn for the family. They often regard themselves as hawkers’ spouses or just trying to earn extra money. However, the instances of women from the introduction revealed that they are the family’s primary earners. Most literature suggests informal economy often characterises female-headed households (Bromley & Wilson, 2018). Women work out of desperation because their husbands and sons fail to provide for the family. They earn less than their fellow hawkers, primarily men, since they must engage in domestic chores and attend to their children (Kantor, 2002 & Bhowmik, 2005). Women in informal business are conflicted between the struggle to provide for their families or to see this work as empowering (Bromley & Wilson, 2018). Nevertheless, their earnings run the family.

The lack of safety and health issues, low access to water and sanitation, insufficient social protection, welfare or financial security and lack of sufficient protection from an unfavourable work environment, often extreme weather conditions expose the street vendors to various challenges. The instability of employment trajectory, low labour income and deprivation of labour entitlements affect women hawkers.

The lack of safety and health issues, low access to water and sanitation, insufficient social protection, welfare or financial security and lack of sufficient protection from an unfavourable work environment, often extreme weather conditions expose the street vendors to various challenges. The instability of employment trajectory, low labour income and deprivation of labour entitlements affect women hawkers. Women face more stress and struggle on the streets, not only harassment and evictions by the police or local authorities but also eve-teasing, staring or leering by men, sexually suggestive comments, touching and harassment by men and even trafficking (Chakraborty, 2018; Bhowmik, 2005; Majumdar & Borbora, 2013; Ferreira, 2016 & Bromley & Wilson, 2018).

The insufficient availability of work or work locations considered appropriate for women is a constraint imposed by the gendered division of labour in productive work (Kantor, 2002). For instance, washermen making suggestive comments about washerwomen drenched and in revealing attire while washing clothes standing in water has led them to disassociate from the traditional way of conducting their occupation. Now they just iron the clothes (Fatima, 2022).

Women in informal businesses face numerous obstacles, including limited mobility, low earnings, and a lack of safety and security. The internalised patriarchy and gender norms ingrained in society also contribute to the lack of visibility of women’s labour in the informal sector. However, it is essential to note that the issues faced by women in informal work go beyond just the economic challenges.

The gendered division of labour in the informal sector, a significant characteristic of urban areas, has resulted in women being disproportionately affected by the challenges of informal work. Women in informal businesses face numerous obstacles, including limited mobility, low earnings, and a lack of safety and security. The internalised patriarchy and gender norms ingrained in society also contribute to the lack of visibility of women’s labour in the informal sector. However, it is essential to note that the issues faced by women in informal work go beyond just the economic challenges. The next part delves into the marginality and criminalisation of informal sector workers. Recognising and addressing these issues is crucial to promote gender equality and improving women’s lives in the informal sector.

MARGINALITY & STRUGGLE

Margins are not peripheral or secondary spaces (Das & Poole, 2004). They are essential components of the functioning of the state and society. Marginalised communities, such as those living in poverty, are not simply peripheral spaces that can be ignored or overlooked. They are often at the centre of economic and political activity, particularly in the informal sector, where they are overrepresented. By recognising the importance of these communities and addressing the issues of economic citizenship, rent extraction, and multiple regulatory regimes, one can begin to break the cycle of intergenerational inequality and deprivation plaguing these communities (ibid).

Street hawkers are members of marginalised and vulnerable groups residing in urban areas, working in informal jobs that would help create a livelihood. They are the people who do not lose hope and try to overcome their problems. It is common for hawkers to pool all their savings and invest in starting their hawking businesses. They desire a simple and dignified life and do not resort to stealing or begging for a living. While engaging in this work, they face daily hardships like extreme weather conditions that can harm health and well-being, working continuously without breaks or resting, leading to exhaustion, dehydration, and more.

Street hawkers are members of marginalised and vulnerable groups residing in urban areas, working in informal jobs that would help create a livelihood. They are the people who do not lose hope and try to overcome their problems. It is common for hawkers to pool all their savings and invest in starting their hawking businesses. They desire a simple and dignified life and do not resort to stealing or begging for a living. While engaging in this work, they face daily hardships like extreme weather conditions that can harm health and well-being, working continuously without breaks or resting, leading to exhaustion, dehydration, and more. Furthermore, police hound them, demanding bribes, confiscating their items, and even arresting them (Bhowmik, 2010), contributing to physical and mental health issues. The treatment of these workers reinforces the existing social and economic hierarchies, where women, migrants, minorities, and those from lower castes or classes are relegated to the most precarious and lowest-paying jobs.

Hawkers are an integral part of the economy. It is essential to recognise them as contributing members rather than look at them as a menace, a nuisance and of no real value that adds to urban development. They provide affordable goods and services to the majority of the population of India; they feed millions daily. The self-help economy created by street hawkers enables the government to allocate funds and facilities to other areas that should be provided to them.

Hawkers are an integral part of the economy. It is essential to recognise them as contributing members rather than look at them as a menace, a nuisance and of no real value that adds to urban development. They provide affordable goods and services to the majority of the population of India; they feed millions daily. The self-help economy created by street hawkers enables the government to allocate funds and facilities to other areas that should be provided to them.

The competition between the organised and informal sectors intensifies with rural-urban migration, and cities cannot employ everyone. Employment growth in the organised sector was low during the liberalisation period. The informal proletariat is vulnerable; they are unskilled immigrants. The city offers them nothing but more burden (Kalhan, 2007). Just like any other type of mode of the economy in the informal sector, Hawking is an occupation of the urban poor and hawking, along with other informal occupations, is a self-help technique, the urban poverty trying to manage itself (Bandyopadhyay, 2009).

Individuals already disadvantaged in society, such as women, ethnic minorities, and migrants, are likely to work in the informal sector (Bromley & Wilson, 2018). These groups face various structural barriers, including discrimination, limited access to education and training, and restricted mobility due to cultural or societal norms, making it challenging to secure formal employment. As a result, they often have no choice but to turn to informal work to survive. This situation perpetuates poverty and social exclusion, making it difficult for workers to improve their living conditions and escape the cycle of poverty. Children of informal workers often face the same barriers and limitations as their parents, perpetuating the cycle of poverty and exclusion across generations (ibid).

ENCROACHMENT, CRIMINALITY AND EYES ON THE STREET

In India, 1991 marked the beginning of liberalisation. This new era witnessed a rise in the economy’s informal sector and street vending (Bhowmik, 2005). Unlike the formal sector of the economy, informal workers work twice, if not thrice, as hard and in exhausting conditions and get paid less than a quarter of the people engaged in the formal sector of the economy (Bhowmik, 2005). Ninety per cent of the retail sector is informal (Schindler, 2014). The economy’s informal sector employs the maximum number of people in India after agriculture.

Hawkers in a neoliberal world do not fit in the mould of the type of economy modernising the country. Regardless, they constitute an essential part of the economy’s informal sector (Rajgopal, 2002). The state sees hawkers who contribute to the economy and serve these sections of people as criminals and encroachers instead of acknowledging their contributions (Bhowmik, 2005).

Street hawkers are often viewed as encroachers and criminals, even though they play an essential role in the economy by providing affordable goods and services to the urban population. The negative perception of street hawkers is primarily due to their presence in public spaces, often viewed as violating rules and regulations. This perception has led to crackdowns by authorities and police, resulting in the confiscation of goods, fines, and even arrests. Such actions have made it difficult for street hawkers to earn a livelihood and have perpetuated the cycle of poverty and exclusion.

Street hawkers are often viewed as encroachers and criminals, even though they play an essential role in the economy by providing affordable goods and services to the urban population. The negative perception of street hawkers is primarily due to their presence in public spaces, often viewed as violating rules and regulations. This perception has led to crackdowns by authorities and police, resulting in the confiscation of goods, fines, and even arrests. Such actions have made it difficult for street hawkers to earn a livelihood and have perpetuated the cycle of poverty and exclusion.

Authorities have criminalised street vending since colonial times and in some cases, continues (Schindler, 2014). India denies most of the population urban citizenship privileges because of “limited resources.” Moreover, this criminalisation of street vending is rooted within the bourgeois concept of clean urban space (Anjaria, 2006), suggesting removing any informal sector activity from sight and completely disregarding the needs of the urban poor.

In recent years, the urban development agenda has become more considerate of informal self-employment, including street vending (Roever, 2016). Governments and urban planners have started to recognise the critical role of informal sector workers, such as street vendors, in the economy and the need to provide legitimate access to public spaces.

Recognising the legitimacy of street vendors’ access to public spaces is essential to promoting inclusive urban development and reducing poverty and inequality. By providing street vendors with the support and resources they need to operate safely and sustainably, cities can help to create a more inclusive and equitable urban environment for all.

Previously, street vendors were often seen as a nuisance and were subjected to harassment by law enforcement agencies, who viewed their activities as illegal and disruptive to the urban landscape. However, this perspective is changing, and many cities are taking steps to formalise and regulate the street vending sector. For instance, the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act of 2014 in India provides a framework for regulating street vending activities and protecting street vendors’ rights. Alternatively, in Durban, South Africa, the city has implemented a program to provide street vendors with mobile kiosks that can be moved around the city and have basic amenities such as running water and electricity. Recognising the legitimacy of street vendors’ access to public spaces is essential to promoting inclusive urban development and reducing poverty and inequality. By providing street vendors with the support and resources they need to operate safely and sustainably, cities can help to create a more inclusive and equitable urban environment for all.

Jane Jacobs provides a counterargument to street vendors being considered criminals. Jacobs was not a political activist but a critic of urban planning and design practice. Many of her arguments are around the relationship between urban safety and design. She delves into the critical aspect of the fear of crime such as theft, rape, and vandalism in the city. Jacobs suggests that the mixed use of land could attract a diversity of populations to the street, making it lively and safe. She argues that urban design does not support women or children. A report suggested that women feel twice as unsafe as men, yet men are the victims of crime and violence on the streets (Wekerle, 2000).

Jane Jacobs regards street hawkers as the people who make the streets safe; they act as the “eyes on the streets” (Anjaria, 2006), contradicting the popular state and authority belief. Jane Jacobs explains that the primary peace on the sidewalk and street is not kept by the police but rather by the people on the street. The presence of natural proprietors on the street would ensure the safety of residents and strangers. Shopkeepers and small business owners act as street watchers and guardians. The people engaged in the informal sector try to make a livelihood on the streets, attracting customers to their locations, making the streets lively and exposing them to lower crime rates (Jacobs, 1961).

In addition to the perspectives outlined above, the findings from interviews with women hawkers also shed light on the challenges these informal workers face, particularly in relation to evictions and location restrictions. One interviewed woman who set up her stall in the market area expressed that the number of evictions has increased over time. In her case, she particulary pointed out the main road near the Batla House market in Jamia Nagar, New Delhi, which is frequently used by officials from the Delhi Jal Board. It is expected to be clear of informal work that may cause congestion. This suggests that location-based restrictions and evictions are significant issues women hawkers face, impacting their ability to earn a livelihood in certain areas of the city. This finding further emphasises the precarious and vulnerable nature of street hawking in urban areas, where informal workers face ongoing challenges and uncertainties in pursuing economic opportunities.

POLICIES OR LACK THEREOF

Historically, the India Penal Code of 1860, the India Police Act of 1861, and the Bombay Municipal Corporation Act of 1888 were all used as legal justifications for seizing street vendors’ goods (Roever, 2016). These laws allowed the authorities to treat street vending as a criminal offence, and as a result, vendors were frequently subject to harassment, fines, and arrests. In response to this treatment, several organisations, such as the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) in Ahmedabad, began organising street vendors in the 1970s. SEWA worked to promote the rights of street vendors, including fighting against police harassment and confiscating goods. In the 2000s, the National Association of Street Vendors of India (NASVI) was formed to advocate for the rights of street vendors at the national level. NASVI has used tactics, including public interest litigation, protest, negotiation, and advocacy, to push for greater recognition of street vendors’ rights (ibid). In 2004, the Indian government released the National Policy on Urban Street Vendors, which acknowledged the vital role that street vendors played in the economy and committed to promoting their rights (ibid). The Unorganised Sector Social Security Bill 2008 was introduced to “regulate employment and provide safety social security, health and other welfare facilities” (Majumdar & Borbora, 2013). The Street Vendors Act (Protection of Livelihoods and Regulation of Vending) was passed in 2014 to provide livelihood rights and social protection to street hawkers and to regulate and improve the prevailing license system (Chen et al., 2014). The Act established Town Vending Committees (TVCs) to survey street vendors, identify vending zones, and issue vending certificates (Roever, 2016). However, the improper implementation of these did not help the informal workers. Most informal workers need to be made aware of the schemes available. It is difficult to get information regarding the same since most of them are updated online, and even if they find out about it, it is usually too late to apply for its benefits.

Policies, in general, for the informal sector should be paid more attention to. The Street Vendors Act (Protection of Livelihoods and Regulation of Vending), passed in 2014, provided street hawkers’ livelihood rights and social protection and regulated. It improved the prevailing license system (Chen et al., 2014). The Act would demarcate vending zones and protection and provide much ease into the lives of the hawkers. It promises to protect the rights of urban street hawkers. It regulates street vending activities at a national level, this act will restrict the seizure of items and avoid evictions and relocations, but it still needs to be fully implemented (Roever, 2016). However, the improper to almost no implementation of the Street Vending Act of 2014 made it very difficult for hawkers to conduct their business amidst the lockdown.

Despite the existing legal framework and scholarly discourse surrounding informal workers, it is evident that most of these workers do not hold high expectations from the government. When queried about their expectations from the government or relevant authorities, most street vendors expressed a simple desire to be allowed to conduct their business on the streets without interruptions or harassment from the police or authorities.

Despite the existing legal framework and scholarly discourse surrounding informal workers, it is evident that most of these workers do not hold high expectations from the government. When queried about their expectations from the government or relevant authorities, most street vendors expressed a simple desire to be allowed to conduct their business on the streets without interruptions or harassment from the police or authorities. In the context of women hawkers, similar patterns of low expectations from the government and a self-reliant approach can be observed. Women who engage in street vending also lack confidence in the government’s ability to support their needs. When asked about their expectations from the government or relevant authorities, women hawkers often echo the sentiment of their male counterparts, expressing a desire to be allowed to conduct their business without interruptions or harassment.

 these vendors do not rely on the government for support; instead, they adopt a self-reliant approach to addressing their needs. Such attitudes may stem from a perceived history of government indifference towards their plight and a lack of recognition of their status as urban citizens.

This suggests that these vendors do not rely on the government for support; instead, they adopt a self-reliant approach to addressing their needs. Such attitudes may stem from a perceived history of government indifference towards their plight and a lack of recognition of their status as urban citizens. Notably, informal workers appear to adopt a stoic disposition, accepting their circumstances and navigating their challenges with resilience in the absence of substantial government assistance.

Women’s perspectives in the informal sector are crucial to understanding the challenges they face and the strategies they employ to sustain their livelihoods. It highlights the need for gender-sensitive policies and interventions that recognise and address the unique experiences of women in the informal sector, including women hawkers, and promote their economic empowerment and well-being.

This finding underscores the limited trust and expectations towards the government and highlights their self-reliance in managing their livelihoods in the informal sector. Women’s perspectives in the informal sector are crucial to understanding the challenges they face and the strategies they employ to sustain their livelihoods. It highlights the need for gender-sensitive policies and interventions that recognise and address the unique experiences of women in the informal sector, including women hawkers, and promote their economic empowerment and well-being.

CONCLUSION

The banality of struggles becomes inevitable for people working on the streets, especially women. Street hawkers and other informal sector workers are integral to the Indian economy. They come from a weaker socio-economic background, and the people in power and money have pushed them to remain vulnerable.

Lower caste and less educated individuals will likely end up in informal work. Women are particularly vulnerable, engaging in work that offers low returns and limited growth potential, perpetuating their marginalisation.

The challenges faced by women in the informal sector are multifaceted and deeply entrenched in societal norms and structures. The intersection of class, gender, and caste plays a significant role in determining who enters and succeeds in the informal economy. Lower caste and less educated individuals will likely end up in informal work. Women are particularly vulnerable, engaging in work that offers low returns and limited growth potential, perpetuating their marginalisation. Moreover, the lack of safety and security, low earnings, and limited mobility, coupled with the internalised patriarchy and gender norms, contribute to the under-recognition of women’s labour in the informal sector. Despite the challenges, women often find themselves as the primary earners in their households, struggling to balance their work with domestic responsibilities.

Street hawkers are one such community that deserves recognition as contributing members of society, providing affordable goods and services to millions of people in India. However, they face various hardships and discrimination, reinforcing existing social and economic hierarchies.

It is crucial to recognise and address the issues beyond the economic challenges to promote gender equality and improve women’s lives in the informal sector. The marginalisation and criminalisation of informal sector workers are additional factors that must be tackled to create an enabling environment for informal workers, particularly women. Margins and marginalised communities are essential components of the functioning of the state and society. The informal sector, where many marginalised communities are overrepresented, is a crucial part of the economy. Street hawkers are one such community that deserves recognition as contributing members of society, providing affordable goods and services to millions of people in India. However, they face various hardships and discrimination, reinforcing existing social and economic hierarchies. The treatment of street hawkers and other informal workers perpetuates poverty and exclusion, making it difficult for them to improve their living conditions and escape the cycle of poverty.

Street vending has been integral to India’s informal economy, employing many people after agriculture. However, street vendors have long been perceived as encroachers and criminals, leading to crackdowns by authorities that have made it difficult for them to earn a livelihood. The negative perception of street vendors stems from the bourgeois concept of clean urban space, which disregards the needs of the urban poor.

Street vending has been integral to India’s informal economy, employing many people after agriculture. However, street vendors have long been perceived as encroachers and criminals, leading to crackdowns by authorities that have made it difficult for them to earn a livelihood. The negative perception of street vendors stems from the bourgeois concept of clean urban space, which disregards the needs of the urban poor. Jane Jacobs argues that street vendors and other natural proprietors play a vital role in making the streets safe and lively. Attracting customers to their locations reduce crime rates and makes the streets more inclusive and equitable. Therefore, recognising the legitimacy of street vendors’ access to public spaces is essential to promoting inclusive urban development and reducing poverty and inequality.

The precarious nature of their occupation no longer seems deficient (Basu & Thomas, 2009). They do not expect any kind of government support and feel they are not part of society. They are viewed as members who have resigned from contributing to the economy, but this is far from the truth. They create a self-help economy to sustain themselves because society and the government have turned their back on them. The street vendors have succumbed to stoicism; they become more satisfied than dissatisfied with the life they have created for themselves.

 

 

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Mariam Fatima is a Research Intern at CSPS

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